Two years ago, a liberal friend of mine told me that Republicans had introduced slavery, Jim Crow, and the KKK to the United States, and that Democrats had always been champions of civil rights for Black Americans. Another friend, a successful physician, expressed surprise when I told him that Abraham Lincoln the first Republican president.
A few weeks later, I wrote this essay to illustrate how our public schools and media had successfully reinvented American history. It remains one of my most satisfying essays and one that still generates controversy.
Although I don’t ordinarily respond to Daily Kos moonbats, Brian penned this somewhat coherent response:
Phooey.
FDR, a Democrat, started efforts to end Jim Crow against the pressures of his own Party. Truman, a Democrat, desegregated the military by executive order against the wishes of Democrats AND Republicans in Congress. (Many associate this action with the Civil Rights banner being carried by the Democratic Party and the long association of the black community with Democratic Politics.)
JFK inspired a generation of civil rights activists. (Of course, there was Hoover's investigations of civil rights activists, but go ahead, link Hoover to anyone but himself!)
LBJ signs the Civil Rights Act -- which admittedly was opposed by many Southern Democrats. However, northern and Western Democrats, along with Republicans -- the minority party -- pushed it through Congress. (The GOP may want to say they did the CRA on their own, but the math wouldn't let it happen.) LBJ championed the CRA and when signing it into law acknowledged that he "lost the South for the Democrats for at least a generation."
Brian sucked
Mike in as well, who suffers from what one psychiatrist calls
Bush Derangement Syndrome. I decided to respond with something more formal before others got too confused. Brian raises some good questions and I've sourced my answers.
FDR’s efforts began
ninety years AFTER Republicans started them. Until the
mid-1960s the overwhelming majority of Democrats who supported Civil Rights JOINED the
Republican Party. The
Solid South didn’t permit such “riff-raff.”
FDR’s effort to end military desegregation began in
1941 when socialist labor leader
Philip Randolph began to organize black workers into a social and political force.
Although WWII demonstrated the need to enlist and integrate blacks, Democrats who controlled Congress throughout FDR’s presidency (1932-1945) ignored efforts to end segregation until Republicans gained the majority in
1947 – a year that coincided with Truman’s first presidential campaign.
When Truman’s
Committee on Civil Rights recommended the end of segregation,
Randolph threatened to organize mass civil disobedience unless the military services were immediately desegregated and Jim Crow laws ended. His appearance upset Democrat committee members like Richard Russell (D-GA), whose political careers were tied to segregation.
Truman
tossed bones like
Universal Military Training (UMT), but Congress rejected amendments by Republicans
Jacob Javits and
Adam Powell to desegregate the military and
Truman signed it, allowing segregation to continue.
In 1948, Truman issued
Executive Order 9981 which, on paper, required equal opportunity for black servicemen. A year later, Truman’s Armed Services Committee agreed that
equal opportunity did not necessarily mean
desegregate and, in their final report,
recommended segregation to continue.
The Korean War finally began the end of segregation. In 1953, NAACP administrator Roy Wilkins reported that integration had begun
around the fringes, although there was still no large scale changeover in the US. But in August 1954, Republican President Dwight Eisenhower ordered the end of segregation
to be eliminated within a matter of months.
By the end of his presidency in 1961, Eisenhower had signed two civil rights bills and had successfully
desegregated the military, years before LBJ signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (CRA).
LBJ’s action destroyed the
Solid South, which rebelled by shifting their vote to Goldwater.
Brian writes that
the new, conservative Republican Party began to creep into the realm of the racist South, suggesting the Republicans embraced the entrenched bigotry of the South. Clearly, the opposite was true. Republicans don’t care how many angry bigoted ex-Democrats vote Republican. Why refuse their votes?
Brian’s insinuation that “the shift” changed the Republican support for civil rights is pap.
In 1948, the Solid South secured
98 percent of the vote by threats, terror, and intimidation. Although a lifelong supporter of civil rights, Goldwater goofed when he
opposed the CRA for believing that it “exceeded the Constitutional powers of Congress.” Lifelong segregationists switched their support and the Democrats have celebrated black gullibility and white guilt ever since.
But for a moment, think about the lifelong Democrats of 1964: Was it really possible that Democrats like
George Wallace, who defended segregation and Jim Crow for half a century, would support civil rights for the same blacks he hated the previous week?
Not a chance.
Not only did Los Angeles and New York City Democrats support segregation throughout the 1950s and 1960s, they also secured control of the two largest public school districts in the nation (
LA &
NYC).
If
George Wallace, who hated black children in 1963, was suddenly given control of their school districts in 1964, what kind of education could we expect those children to receive by 1965, 1985, or 2005?
Is it really a coincidence that LA and NYC school unions, teachers, and bureaucrats are overwhelmingly Democrat? The fact that half of all black students in the 9th grade today
won’t graduate high school would make Democrats like
George Wallace very proud, which might also explain why Democrats like Brian and Mike are so confused.
The notion that the people who created, supported, and defended civil rights since 1854 would suddenly embrace bigotry is as preposterous as believing that the lifelong supporters of hate would suddenly find love for black Americans.
History speaks much louder than propaganda.
*** This is the second of three related essays. See also:
An Offer of Proof (2006)An Exercise in Futility (2008)